U.S. Congressman Ronny Jackson recently testified before a congressional committee about the ongoing crisis involving the M23 rebel group, Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the strained relations between Presidents Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame.
Jackson, who had just returned from a visit to several countries in the region—including the DRC, Rwanda, the Republic of Congo, Burundi, and Uganda—shared his observations on the security, economic, and governance challenges facing eastern DRC.
According to the Congolese presidency, he visited Kinshasa as a “special envoy of Donald Trump.” His testimony sheds light on the region’s instability, mineral wealth, governance failures, and the broader geopolitical implications of the crisis.
The Testimony:
On Sunday, I returned from a visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). During my trip, I also visited Rwanda, the Republic of Congo, Burundi, and Uganda. I met with the Presidents of the DRC, the Republic of Congo, Burundi, and Rwanda.
I left the region both encouraged and discouraged. There is immense potential for peace and stability, yet ongoing conflict and bloodshed persist.
The natural resources in the area are worth tens of trillions of dollars, making the DRC one of the richest countries in the world—at least on paper. However, for this potential to be realized, eastern DRC must become a region where safety, security, and foreign investment are prioritized.
When I say “everyone,” I mean the DRC, Burundi, Uganda, and Rwanda. Right now, eastern DRC is essentially ungoverned—akin to the “wild, wild east.” The government in Kinshasa lacks the resources and capacity to control the region. In reality, it has become just another player in the scramble for resources. Everyone is exploiting the area—Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi—all taking minerals without oversight or regulation.
The Congolese government must address several critical issues. First, the domestic problem: A significant number of people in eastern DRC are not recognized as Congolese citizens, including many members of the M23 rebel group.
While M23 has ties to Rwanda, it has now become a dominant force in the region, operating with little to no resistance. The Congolese military is not fighting back; in many cases, soldiers are either fleeing or joining M23.
This is partly due to historical border changes. The region once belonged to Rwanda before the boundaries were redrawn. However, when parts of Uganda were also incorporated, those affected were quickly granted Ugandan citizenship. The same has not happened in the DRC, leaving many people stateless and fueling resentment.
For long-term stability, the Congolese government must integrate M23 fighters into the military and recognize all residents of eastern DRC as full citizens with equal rights.
This issue will not resolve itself—armed resistance will continue until people feel they have a stake in their country.
Beyond the domestic problem, there is the international issue—mainly the fractured relationship between Presidents Kagame and Tshisekedi. I spoke with both leaders, and their inability to get along is a major obstacle to peace. At some point, personal differences must be set aside.
A stable eastern DRC benefits all neighboring countries, but only if they have an economic incentive to ensure security. There must be a system where everyone benefits from the region’s minerals—whether through refining operations in DRC, Rwanda, or elsewhere. If foreign investors see a safe and stable environment, they will come, creating economic growth for all.
Right now, that is impossible.
The region is plagued by insecurity, corruption, and predatory taxation. The level of corruption I witnessed was shocking. A Swiss company with an $18 billion valuation was handed an $80 billion tax bill—an absurd figure that was later negotiated down to $1 billion, still many times higher than its annual profits. This kind of corruption discourages legitimate businesses from investing.
Bribes are another major issue. Chinese companies can afford to pay them, while Western businesses, including American firms, cannot or will not. This creates an uneven playing field.
The judicial system is also deeply flawed, making it impossible to rely on fair legal outcomes. The exchange rates are manipulated, fines are excessive, and high-ranking officials and their families are amassing vast wealth while ordinary people suffer in extreme poverty.
Unless these structural problems are addressed, little else will change. Corruption must be tackled, economic reforms must be implemented, and security must be restored. Otherwise, foreign businesses will remain hesitant, and the cycle of violence and exploitation will continue.
I don’t claim to have all the answers, but I want to hear your thoughts. Given the current situation, do you believe there is a viable path forward? And how can we, as policymakers, contribute to a long-term solution?